General Pope Takes Command

Introduction

A New Army is Organized
      The optimism of May turned to despondence in July.  After the disaster in the Shenandoah Valley, President Lincoln consolidated the 3 separate commands of Generals Fremont, Banks and McDowell into one army, ‘The Army of Virginia.’  On June 26th, Lincoln appointed Major-General John Pope (pictured right)  to command it.    Pope came from the west where his commands had fallen into recent success.  General Fremont, who was senior in rank to Pope, refused to be a subordinate in this new army, and tendered his resignation to President Lincoln.  Lincoln gladly accepted it.  He was frustrated with Fremont’s leadership, especially after the tepid pursuit of Jackson up the Shenandoah Valley.    The purpose of the new army was to protect Washington, and act in conjunction with General George B. McClellan’s assault on Richmond.

McClellan's Retreat
     The same day Pope was appointed the Seven Days Battle began on the Peninsula.  General Robert E. Lee attacked McClellan’s army.  There was a week of fighting.  The Union army repulsed the attack, then McClellan retreated to Harrison's Landing 30 miles from Richmond.  His assault ended, but he called the move 'a change of base,' and labeled it a victory.   He reported the rebels had 200,000 men  and asked Lincoln for more troops. 

    McClellan’s retreat angered Lincoln and had him despondent through early July.  The worn out president began to re-think his war policy, leaning towards more aggressive action.  He put out the call  to the states for 300,000 more men and ordered Major General A. E. Burnside’s army to sail from North Carolina to join McClellan.  Then he went to visit his estranged General on July 8th.

     McClellan rightly resented the fact that he had lost the faith of the President, and the President thought McClellan was too timid a general.   ‘Mac’s’ new plan was to attack rebel supply lines at Petersburg; but only after his 100,000 man army was reinforced with an additional 100,000 troops.   His philosophy was to out maneouvre the opponent and overwhelm him.  General McClellan’s counsel to President Lincoln at the July 8th meeting was to be lenient with the southerners; don’t do anything radical like freeing their slaves or confiscating their property.  He also recommended a single General in Chief be placed in command of the armies.  Lincoln’s new ideas were directly opposed to McClellan’s counsel.

A New War Policy
     The tenacity of the rebel resistance convinced Lincoln that the South meant business.  They were not going to be brought gently back into the folds of the Union as supposed early in the war.  Also, on July 13th,  Lincoln received from border-state congressmen, their manifesto against a proposal for the gradual abolition of slavery.  It was time for more aggressive measures.   Lincoln began to draft the Emancipation Proclamation to end slavery; “this govt cannot much longer play a game in which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing.  Those enemies must understand that they cannot experiment for ten years trying to destroy the government, and if they fail still come back into the Union unhurt.” 

     Meanwhile General Pope arrived in Washington July 2nd.   That month he directed 3 controversial orders as part of the new attitude in Washington for a hard war.  In part, citizens would now be held responsible for injuries to soldiers, and citizens acting against the army would be shot without civil recourse.  At the same time, congress approved the Confiscation Act, allowing the army to free and employ slaves in occupied areas.   General Pope also issued his infamous order on July 14th with wording that was a direct ‘slap in the face’ to McClellan’s policies.  The order earned him the resentment of his officers and the enmity of McClellan.

     Lincoln took McClellan’s advice and appointed a General in Chief to command the armies; Henry Halleck, (pictured left).  Pope had served with Halleck at Corinth, Mississippi, and Lincoln hoped they would work in conjunction with McClellan for a joint move on Richmond.  In preparation for the coming campaign Pope directed his cavalry to ride south and destroy the Virginia Central railroad; Lee's supply line.

    The private soldiers liked Washington’s more aggressive tone.   The news of McClellan’s Peninsula Campaign, the call for new recruits, the harsher war policies, and  the appointment of new commanders provided plenty of conversational fodder for the enlisted men in camps.  It was a good time for many of the soldiers in the ranks to try for an officer's commission in new organizations, and several in the 13th Mass applied for and obtained them.   July 16th was the one year anniversary of the regiment, and they reflected on the progress (?) made in the war to date, and speculated on the events yet to come.

Confederate Strategy 
   General Lee sent General Stonewall Jackson to Gordonsville to watch the ‘miscreant’ Pope.  Jackson arrived July 19.  Lee re-enforced Jackson on July 27, convinced that McClellan was preparing to withdraw from his position near Richmond.  General Pope joined his army in the field July 29th.   He reviewed his new command during the next few days.  Commanding this army in the field seemed to make him nervous, but Pope still planned an aggressive move south against Jackson to take Gordonsville.  On August 6th he ordered his 3 army corps to consolidate at Culpeper, 28 miles north of Gordonsville.

     Meanwhile, Lincoln and Halleck ordered McClellan to withdraw from Harrison's Landing to co-operate with General Pope.  ‘Mac” was furious.  While McClellan sulked, Jackson moved.

     Lee and Jackson hoped to destroy Pope’s little army before it could be re-enforced.  On August 7th Jackson learned of Pope’s concentration at Culpeper.   Only General N. P. Banks’ 2 divisions were there now.  Jackson decided to attack Banks before more troops arrived.  Jackson marched north.   The real campaign began with the Battle of Cedar Mountain on August 9th 1862.   Jackson’s force out-numbered Banks’ force 2 to 1. 

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Picture Credits:  All pictures come from the Library of Congress except where indicated.  Most LC photos have been cropped or re-touched for use on this page. (Check the links page for other photo sources). Photos unique to this page: 1880's Marlborough, Mass., Marlborough Historical Society;  Chaplain Noah Gaylord, Army Heritage Education Center, Carlisle, PA;  Illustration of Warrenton, Va., from Harper's Weekly,  sonofthesouth.net;   Contemporary photo of Warrenton Court House, Warrenton Historic District, by Bill Slawski, www.warrentonvirginia.org;  The 1909 photo of Saint James Episcopal Church provided by Richard Gookin, Communicant of St. James Parish, & Nancy Kincheloe, Parish Administrator, (St. James Episcopal Church, Warrenton, Va.);  Waterloo Bridge, by Ed Marek; (www.talkingproud.us); Photo of Cedar Mountain by Craig Swain, Board of Editors, Historical Marker Database. The battle map was created with vector graphics in photoshop by Brad & Susan Forbush, based on a battlefield marker as photographed by Craig Swain.  Pictures of Company B men provided by Scott Hann. 

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Camp at Manassas

General McDowell's Headquarters at Manassas, July 5, 1862.  Photographed by Timothy Sullivan, Library of Congress Photo.  The photo shows the camp of the General's body-guard.  McDowell was recovering from a bad fall he took from his horse on the night of June 18th.  It should be noted that John Viles, of the band, overheard a '13th Mass' man propose "three cheers for the horse," upon learning the news.

Letter of Edwin Rice; Band

Roxbury City Gazette

From "Three Years in the Army;" by Charles E. Davis, Jr.     

     As Fourth of July approached thoughts of having a celebration found utterance.  Some of the boys, appreciating that our nearness to Washington, with daily communication by rail, made it possible for friends at home to come out, wrote to them, and several took advantage thereof by suddenly making appearance in camp.  It afforded us a great deal of pleasure to entertain them, and we did our best to make them comfortable while they stayed; but before their departure, they were the most miserable creatures in existence.  To them the fare was poor and the beds hard.  There were also visitors from the State authorities, who came out to look after the condition of Massachusetts troops, but they were better taken care of.  The officers were very courteous in their offers of hospitality to all the visitors, but those of the rank and file said they preferred rouging it with the boys – and they found it was rough.  Boxes ere received from home, in many instances containing the ingredients for a Fourth-of-July punch, and we all looked forward to a glorious time.

Letter of O.W. Albee

O. W. Albee was a famous educator in Marlborough, Mass.;  Principal of the Gates School there, and a state representative from Marlborough, as early as 1849.  He was elected as a Republican State Senator in 1855 and in 1857.   His son Eugene was serving in Company I.  Albee visited the camp of the '13th Mass' at Manassas while on a trip to visit his son in the hospital at Alexandria.  He wrote this account of his visit, published in the Westboro Transcript.  Pictured is Main Street, looking west near Florence, Marlborough, Mass.; 1880's.  Photo from the Marlborough Historical Society.

"Lets Be Jolly"

   The failure of McClellan on the peninsular was perfectly understood by the boys, and the outlook as not the most flattering for the little army commanded by John Pope down in the heart of the Old Dominion, when the great army of McClellan had so signally failed.  Consequently the spirits of he boys drooped, and the Chaplain, seeing the gloom settling down, departed from his usual custom and chose as the subject of his discourse a character who at all times could say “Lets be jolly.”  He spoke of the many happy homes we had left; of the many days of toil; the many long and weary marches; and the privation that we had endured, and all so patiently up to this time, the end of our first year of service.  But then [he] said “men of Massachusetts, what came you out to see?  Was it an immense picnic?  was it a gigantic spree?  Was it a day of sunshine without clouds? Or was it rather for the purpose to accept the stern realities of war.  Whether if victory perched upon our banners, or defeat leaned upon our side, were we not to be the same good soldiers, always ready to do our duty whenever, where ever and under whatever circumstances we should be placed?”  And above all he urged us to remember the words of the text.  He told us that gloomy won no battles, conquered no foe that it was best for us to look the danger calmly in the face, to trust in the God of battles, and under all circumstances “to be jolly.”  After listening to the cheering words of the Chaplain, the faces of the men brightened and the regiment marched to quarters with cheers, and ever after remembered the council of the Chaplain. - Sergeant Austin Stearns.  From "Three Years With Company K" by Sergeant Austin C. Stearns; deceased; ed. by Arthur Kent; Fairleigh-Dickenson University Press; 1975; Used With Permission.  (Chaplain Noah Gaylord, Pictured, right).

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From "Three Years In The Army"

     Our march to-day was in consequence of the following order from General Pope to General McDowell, July 3, ’62:

     It will be seen by this that McDowell was not responsible for our marching to-day, though we gave him credit for it, as we did everything else that was disagreeable.

Friday, July 4.
  We were early at work opening boxes – those which had not already been opened – and preparing for a grand celebration, when an order was received to march at 8 o’clock.  A howl went up at this news, and groans for McDowell were heard everywhere.  To our minds it looked like a piece of spite. There was no way out of it, so we took all the boxes on the parade ground, piled them up in a pyramid, with the empty bottles on top, and then pelted them with rocks until the last one was smashed.  Soon after we bade “good-by” to our visitors and proceeded on our way in a most unpleasant mood.  As we marched along the road we noticed three figures hanging in the air, effigies of Stanton, McDowell, and Jeff Davis, labeled respectively, so no mistake should be made as to whom they were intended to represent.  We expressed our approbation as we passed by.      

      During the afternoon the question arose as to where we were to halt for the night, it depending on a supply of water.   In discussing the subject with the regimental commanders, General Hartsuff suggested that Colonel Leonard turn the Thirteenth into the nearest field, and he felt sure the men would find water if there was any about.  There was reason for this suggestion, inasmuch as it was the habit of a good many of the boys, when the final halt for the day was made, to start with towels in hand for the nearest brook for a bath, without suggestion as to where water could be found.

     There were boys in each company who had an unerring instinct as to the location of water.  We had one man in particular, whom we called “Simplot,” to whom Nature had unfolded many of her secrets.  He knew the name of every bird, of every tree and flower, and seemed to know equally well where to find water, for whenever there was any doubt, he would give the direction in which to seek it, as if he knew every foot of the country; but his information about whiskey was not as correct.

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Camp at Warrenton

(From "Three Years In The Army.")

Saturday, July 5.
     Started at 7:30 A.M. for Warrenton, eight miles.  As the weather was very hot we were allowed to take it pretty easy.  The cherries were in great abundance along the road, and as they were not included in the list of articles to be protected for the use of Stonewall Jackson, we were allowed to help ourselves.  Just before our arrival in camp, news was received that McClellan had taken Richmond, whereupon we all cheered ourselves hoarse.  Camp gossip set the day for our departure for home during the following week.  A good many of the boys expressed sorrow that they were to go home without seeing any fighting that amounted to anything. 

     Warrenton, Virginia; from Harper's Weekly; courtesy www.sonofthesouth.net

     We went into camp in a delightful spot, a mile or so from the town of Warrenton. The whole country about was beautiful, and the land possessed of great fertility.  Near our camp was a clear sparkling brook of pure water, besides a spring highly impregnated with sulphur.  A short distance away were blackberry fields, one of which was many acres in extent, filled with berries of the most luscious kind, reminding us of the words in Izaak Walton as applied to the strawberry:  “Doubtless God might have made a better berry, but doubtless He never did.”  If, perchance, this record of ours is read by other persons than ourselves, who have not seen the like, they may think we exaggerate; that the contrast with our frugal fare added a ficticous sweetness to the berries we found about Warrenton.  And such quantities !  For nearly two weeks the whole division luxuriated in those fields.  This is the only camp of the regiment where the doctor was able to report: “No sick in the hospital.”

Letter of Warren H. Freeman, Company A

Letter of James Ramsey, Company E

The Town of Warrenton

Harvard Graduate John B. Noyes, Company B, gives his impression of the town:  

"As I may have said in former letters Warrenton is a very pretty place, with very many pretty houses, occupied however mostly by children and females of ages from 16 to 60.  The town now presents a very busy appearance because of the large number of troups about the town, and because Warrenton is now the military depot of the department. (photo courtesy of Bill Slawski, Warrenton).

Sunday I went to town in the morning with Serg’t Bigelow, Class of 55, and attended the Episcopal Church.  This church is built somewhat in the Gothic style of stone.  The interior has mastic walls.  The glass is stained very beautifully, the pews are roomy & well made.  I don’t know where I have seen a prettier Church even in the North.  There was a very full attendance, the audience composed mostly of soldiers from the Regiments camped near the town.  Two or three old men, one or two boys and about thirty ladies old and young formed the regular congregation.  I used to think the Maryland congregations very small, but Virginia Churches can now show a far greater number of empty pews.  The minister preached a strictly religious sermon with no allusion to political matters.  The singing by the ladies only was good.  I attended Evening service also at the same church.  The elite of the city evidently congregated at the church, as I saw Members of the congregation at a number of the larger mastic houses after the meeting was over.  For all I could see fashion yet holds sway in Warrenton, the young ladies of the place setting off their charming faces and forms with not unbecoming gear. 

   Warrenton is a great place or resort in summer, and noted for its Sulpher Springs, the best of which I believe are about 6 miles out of town.  Warrenton is on the line of the rail-road which leads to Catlett’s Station and Alexandria, by way of Manassas.  The rebels left town on the 3d instant."  -- Ms Am 2332 (64) "By permission of the Houghton Library, Harvard University."

Photographer Timothy Sullivan captured officers of the 60th New York at the famous Fauquier Sulphur Springs in August, 1862.  Nestled near the banks of the Rappahannock River, two beautiful hotels on the site were destroyed during the fighting between General Pope and General Jackson shortly after this photograph was taken.  It is still unknown which side caused the fires which consumed the hotels.  The Fauquier Springs Country Club stands on the site today, about 7 miles south of Warrenton.

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Private John Noyes and Sergeant Loring Bigelow visited St. James Episcopal Church in Warrenton.  It was built in 1853 by renowned architect James Renwick, an advocate of the Gothic Revival Style.    The building was destroyed by a devastating fire in 1910.  A new structure was rebuilt on the same site in 1912.  This photograph, circa 1909,  represents the church before the fire, as John B. Noyes would have seen it in 1862.  Loring Bigelow received a mortal wound at 2nd Bull Run, Aug. 30, and died October 17th, 1862.

The photo was provided by Richard Gookin & Nancy Kincheloe of St. James, for use on this website.

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General Pope's Introduction to the Troops.

(From "Three Years In The Army")
     We remained in this camp, in this land flowing with milk and honey until the 22nd of the month.  While we were at Warrenton the following order was issued to the Army of Virginia:

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WASHINGTON, D.C., July 14, 1862.
To the Officers and Soldiers of the Army of Virginia :

     By special assignment of the President of the United States, I have assumed command of this army.   I have spent two weeks in learning your whereabouts, your condition, and your wants,  in preparing you for active operations, and in placing you in positions where you can act promptly and to the purpose.  These labors are nearly completed, and I am about to join you in the field.

     Let us understand each other.  I have come to you from the West, where we have always seen the backs of our enemies; from an army whose business it has been to seek the adversary, and to beat him when he was found; whose policy has been attack, and not defence.  In but one instance has the enemy been able to place our Western armies in defensive attitudes.  I presume I have been called here to pursue the same system, and to lead you against the enemy.  It is my purpose to do so, and that speedily.   I am sure you long for an opportunity to win the distinction you are capable of achieving.   That opportunity I shall endeavor to give you.  Meantime I desire you to dismiss from your minds certain phrases which I am sorry to find so much in vogue amongst you.  I hear constntly of "taking strong positons and holding them," of  "lines of retreat," and of  "bases of supplies."   Let us discard such ideas.  The strongest position a soldier should desire to occupy is one from which he can most easily advance againt the enemy.  Let us study the probable lines of retreat of our opponents, and leave our own to take care of themselves.  Let us look before us, and not behind.  Success and glory are in advance, disaster and shame lurk in the rear.  Let us act on this understanding, and it is safe to predict that your banners shall be inscribed with many a glorious deed, and that your names will be dear to your countrymen forever.
(Signed)                                JNO. POPE
                                Major-General Commanding.

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     Some of the boys facetiously called it the "Pope's Bull."   "Seest there a man wise in his own conceit?  There is more hope of a fool than of him," says the Holy Bible.  Up to this date the army was well disposed toward General Pope, but this bombastic and offensive circular unfortunately lessened its respect for him.

     It will be noticed, on reading the circular, that "my headquarters are in the saddle," does not appear.  It is difficult, now, to recall just how we became possessed with the idea that General Pope wrote it.  Probably some newspaper desiring to ridicule his famous proclamation, added the offensive paragraph on publishing it, and the army not being very frienly toward him, repeated it so often as a joke on Pope, very soon believed it to be true.  It became a by-word throughout the army, and a good deal of fun we had out of it.

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The First Anniversary  of the 13th Mass 

 July 16th, 1862, was the first anniversary of the regiment.  First-Lieutenant Elliot C. Pierce wrote home to his sister the next day, that after Guard Mounting there were no drills or duty of any kind.  "The officers had huge bowls of punch and invited guests from other regiments were coming and going all day and pretty late last night."

    The soldier correspondent for the Roxbury Gazette, a member of Company E, marked the anniversary of the regiment in a letter home.  “One year has fled since we first pledged to support the Constitution and the Laws if need be with the sacrifice of our lives.  If many of the men have changed their minds in some respect on certain points during the late year, it is simply because certain contingencies have arisen over which they had no control.  Hope deferred maketh the heart sick.  Those who are already in the field by taking a backward glance, see much to discourage them, – that which all supposed would certainly be accomplished still remains undone.  In fact appearances indicate that the struggle is commencing.”     With a prescient closing paragraph he writes:

   “In my opinion, instead of going towards Richmond, we shall have our full before long in taking care of “stonewall Jackson.”  When he left for Richmond, he said he should come back, and most of us believe he will be here at no very distant day.”

"Lights Out in K"

From "Three Years With Company K" by Sergeant Austin C. Stearns; deceased; ed. by Arthur Kent; Fairleigh-Dickenson University Press; 1975; Used With Permission.

     An amusing incident happened at this place [Warrenton] which for a long time was a sort of by-word in the regiment, and to this day is often alluded to with many good laughs when we have our reunions.  It was this:  the orders were to have all lights out in camp at taps, the guard-house and headquarters alone excepted.  The boys for some time had grown negligent, and in many instances kept their lights burning till long after the regular hour.

     Orders had been issued to enforce this order, and commanders of companies were to be held responsible for the compliance of their respective commands.  On this particular night Capt. Hovey (pictured) was “officer of the day,” and on him rested the whole responsibility of seeing this order obeyed.  Taps sounded at the usual hour, and about a half hour after, the Col. wishing to ascertain how the order was obeyed, went out; all the lights were out except in K company, Hovey’s own, and their lights were burning brightly in every tent.  He immediately went to the Captain’s tent and, calling him out, showed him the lights.  Hovey, taken wholly aback by the sight, immediately roared out, “Lights out in K.”   It came like a shell into the slumbering camp, awakening all, who, starting up and realizing the situation, immediately repeated the echo of “Lights out in K.”  It was too good a joke to be punished and was overlooked for this time.  

Philadelphia Press; A Visit from General Banks

Letter of Edwin Rice, Band

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Camp at Waterloo, Va.

(From "Three Years In The Army")

Tuesday, July 22.
     Marched to Waterloo, ten miles. Though the distance was not great it was a hard march, and as it began to rain before we reached our camping-ground, the temper of the regiment was not improved. We had been feasting on the fat of the land and drinking spring-water, and otherwise enjoying ourselves, so that we were in no humor to get pleasure out of a hot dusty road.

[The Photograph shows Waterloo Bridge over the North Fork of the Rappahannock River.  The soldiers were guarding the river crossing here.   J.E.B. Stuart crossed here when he began his famous raid around Pope's Army to Pope's supply base at Manassas.]  (Photo by Mr. Ed Marek.)

Letter of Edwin Rice

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(From "Three Years In The Army")

Friday, July 25.
     Moved camp to a better spot, on Carter’s Run.

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     This is a close up of Carter's Run taken from a larger map of Fauquier County, Virginia, (dated 1862).  I've highlighted the river in blue.  Warrenton is about 8 miles to the east. The map shows the terrain, and names the families in the area. Clift's Mill or Gaston's Mill, (recently burned according to the soldiers' letters) is visible, and Carter's Run Church, (text barely legible) which stood at the crossroads, (center right).  The 13th Mass were camped somewhere in this area probably guarding the river crossings at Waterloo Bridge.   I wonder if the campsite could be pinpointed using the soldiers descriptions of the location or with the locals knowlege of the terrain.   I believe this area is little changed, and there are probably few places in this hilly area where a brigade (10.000 men) could camp.  John Noyes writes (in the letter below); "We are encamped on a hill side, with woods in the rear, and higher hills all around us.  A brook flows by the camp, a run about a quarter of a mile off.  Two or three springs also unite in giving us good water privileges."  Edwin Rice wrote,  "We are now on the banks of the North fork of the Rappahannock river.  The country is very pleasant around here. There is a range of mountains about 3 miles to the north of us.  It is rather hilly. There once was a woolen factory but a short distance from here which was engaged in making cloth for the rebel army.  It was burned down about two weeks ago.  Warren Freeman wrote,  "We are now very pleasantly situated, water handy, and there is a stream where we bathe, within about a quarter of a mile of our camp."  There are other clues to the location in other letters. (Library of Congress map)

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Westboro Transcript; Recruiting

Letter of Warren H. Freeman; Routine of Camp Life

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'Shelter Tents'

by Charles E. Davis, Jr. 

The following article appeared 'untitled' in the 13th Regiment Association Circulars;  # 31,  September, 1918.  I have given it the title 'Shelter Tents.'  It describes some of Davis's  tent-mates in detail and although it is long, it is a very entertaining read.  - Brad Forbush, April, 2010.

     In reading about the civil war, and in fact about any wars, we have been struck by the lack of information about the men themselves - what they do, how they live and what pleasure or pastimes they engage in to enliven the weariness of army life and make it possible to undergo the hardships, privations and fatigues common to a soldier's life.  Most of the articles are from the officer's standpoint and have relation to battles and critical observations about what ought to have been done or what was done.  This is not of any special interest except to persons who are interested in that particular phase of army life.  There was a bright side to army life.  Composed as the army was of young men from 18 to 20 years of age it is not strange that an outlet must be found to work off the accumulating mental energy quickened by out-door life, simple food, regular habits and exercise.  All of the boys in our regiment had a fair education, while some were graduates of high schools and colleges.  A good many who went out in the Thirteenth in 1861 and '62 subsequently received commissions in other regiments.  The liveliness that was characteristic, of our regiment and which sometimes brought us unpleasant notoriety, was often exhibited by a thoughtlessness of the feelings of others.  One reason for this was that a private soldier soon realizes that his position is looked upon as, considerably lower than the lowest round of the ladder, of which fact he was often made to feel by his superior officers.  This last, however, was not universal for most of the officers were considerate and just in their treatment of the rank and file.  A good deal of our talk was necessarily about officers, their intelligence, or lack of it, their occasional offensive manners, their pomposity or marked peculiarities of speech or appearance.  We must have something to talk about and our superior officers often supplied us with material.  Of course there were other subjects such as the books we had read or the newspapers supplied.  Some were fond of playing practical jokes on others, but as a rule this was discountenanced.  The exercise of wit often found an opportunity for its employment on other officers than our own who would make remarks or give orders that were considered impertinent coming from those who had no authority over us.  The effervescence of youth must have an outlet and it is quite impossible to restrain the feelings of boys.  Thoughtless and inconsiderate, full of mirth, looking for fun, a strong sense of humor, keen-witted, ready in reply, aggressive, saucy and independent but warm-hearted, willing to make sacrifices for comrades, brave and patiently bearing the burden of a soldier's life.

     The weary side of a soldier's life is the toting on long marches a knapsack, blankets, ammunition, rations, and last but not least his gun.  There never seemed to be any way to carry a gun without its being an incumbrance.  While on a march you were permitted to suit yourself in carrying it; it seemed always in the way and at the end of the day it felt like a ton weight.  Forty rounds of cartridges hanging from the waist was a burden that brought no joy to the soldiers.  It often happened that the number was increased to sixty rounds and occasionally to one hundred rounds.  The cartridge box held forty rounds and when the number was increased we had recourse to the haversack which might contain six day's rations, although ordinarily but three.  Forced marches or departure from the wagon trains necessitated the additional burden.  Ten cartridges weighed one pound, so that when forty rounds were exceeded it brought forth remarks that could be understood by the dullest mind.  A day's march under such circumstances was the best cure for Insomnia I have ever known.  At the end of a day's march, unless we were detailed for picket duty, our troubles disappeared under the influence of coffee and tobacco and the natural buoyance of youth asserted itself.  We forgot our troubles in the delightful companionship of comrades whom we had learned to regard with sincere and lasting affection.

     As we recall those times and think of the boys we then knew and loved that have passed away, it is not strange that the living feel bound together, by a genuine attachment.  But it is not the trials and tribulations of our service that prompts me to write.

     Life in the army was not all a weary grind. There was wit and humor abundantly displayed among the rank and file as well as argument and stories to enliven a camp-fire.  Occasionally we would meet with exciting adventure on picket or on some detail.  We had a fondness for discussing the qualifications of brigade and division commanders, wondering why intelligence should have existed only among the rank and file.  Mr. Lincoln has been quoted as saying that he could get all the brigadier generals he needed for nothing, but toward the end of the war the price for enlisted men rose to $1,200.00.  The price of an article generally determines its value.  It will be seen therefore that our criticism of general officers had some foundation.  However, it was only an occasional brigadier general that excited our indignation, as in the case of one who marched us several miles in a circle because he knew better than his advisers the road to take.  The irrepressible levity that existed when we were at Fort Independence continued during our three year's service and made it possible to enjoy life and maintain cheerfulness and good humor.

     We left Boston with 1,038 men - ten companies of 100 men each and were quartered in Sibley tents capable of holding, not uncomfortably, seventeen men, and these tents continued in use until the spring of 1862.  It was impossible for one to know each and every man of his regiment on leaving home.  He would know all the men of his company and possibly many others.  As time wore on he would know a great many.   In the last half of our service, when the regiment was reduced in numbers by casualties, there was an intimacy of companionship that took in all the companies.  Men in a Sibley tent were much like a family and shared the contents of their boxes from home before others were invited to partake.  On the 24th of May all this was changed like a kaleidoscope.

     The Sibley tents with which we were supplied were made of heavy duck, round in shape, coming to a point at the top, which was open for ventilation, with a flap that was capable of adjustment in case of stormy weather.  They accommodated seventeen men without discomfort.  There was little to complain of, even in wet weather, and the men were generally satisfied to endure the overcrowding that occasionally took place.  In winter a pit was made about two feet deep in which was placed a quantity of straw.  Over this excavation the tent was pitched.  In the centre was placed a stove, it being a sheet-iron funnel that spread out at the bottom about three feet from the ground like an ordinary tunnel of domestic use.  At the bottom was a small opening for supplying a draft.  About midway of the enlargement was a door through which the wood was put for the fire.  In the winter the stove was elevated from the ground so as not to set the straw afire.  This construction being made of only sheet-iron, with a damper to regulate the fire, was easily heated red hot, whereupon the language expressed was like the stove.  It often happened when a man came in at night after the performance of some duty, cold or wet, he would fill the stove with wood to warm or dry himself before lying down to sleep.  If he happened to neglect the precaution to open the door before so doing, he would soon realize his mistake by the profanity that was sure to occur.  The feet of the long-legged men were the first to feel the effect and unconsciously they would draw up their knees until they nearly met their chins and eventually wake them.  "Who in H-- put that wood in the stove?" was the inquiry sure to be made.  With everybody awake, there were certain to be some strong well-seasoned expletives about being born a D. F.  As soon as the stove cooled and good-humor restored, the men would resume their sleep.  Early in May, 1862, it was noised about that these tents were to be replaced by shelters and indignation meetings were held in consequence.  We knew nothing about shelters, but any change was disturbing.  It had the effect of making conversation lively and gave us something to talk about.  It is fair to say that it was a wise move even if we didn't like it at the time.  Eventually the men became reconciled to the change, but for the moment there was much discontent.  As the days went by and no change was made we concluded that it was a camp story and began to wonder who started it.

     The 24th of May opened with a drizzling rain and as we put our noses out of the tent we were glad there could be no drills and those who were to go on guard had our charitable commiseration.  Suddenly an order was received that the regiment was ordered in full marching order to go somewhere, destination unknown.  For some days we had been drilling afternoons with knapsack and equipments as a preparation for the coming campaign, so this didn't seem so unusual as otherwise it might.  It was such a disagreeable day and the roads so muddy we hoped to escape work.  The tents were allowed to remain, giving us the impression that possibly it might be a reconnaissance.  That idea prevailed until we reached a spot for a halt, about mid-day.  No one seemed to know what for.  Even the Colonel was in ignorance until, after an hour or two of standing in the rain, which began to fall shortly after we left camp, an orderly was seen approaching.  He was the bearer of an order for our return.  We were glad of that anyway and looked forward with expectations of comfort when we were back in our Sibleys.  There was nothing to excite our joy as we marched along the muddy, slippery road, wet-through, and in heavy marching order.  Finally we reached our camping-ground, but where were the tents?  None were to be seen, and in place thereof piles of cotton cloth soaked with rain and many of them muddy.  It was difficult to understand the meaning of the removal of our Sibleys.  When we came to a halt we were addressed by the Colonel, who explained that the piles of cloth we saw were shelter tents.  Each man was to take a piece, find four other men and button the pieces together, when it would become a shelter tent.  In addition we were to cut sticks on which to pitch them.  Such a sudden change on a day when the men were wet through and cold, seemed an outrage and dangerous to health; that a general having any regard for the welfare of his men would have postponed the change to a more suitable day.  If an outsider had been suddenly dropped from the sky he would have imagined himself in a camp of the sons of Belial.

     We had in our company a corporal whom we had dubbed "Simplot," who was later on commissioned in another regiment, and after the war became a minister of the gospel.  He was gifted with a strong sense of humor and by temperament philosophical.  When the opportunity was afforded for him to speak he reminded us that if we would consult the 14th chapter of Job we would learn that "Man that is born of a woman is of few days and full of trouble."  This diverted our minds somewhat and while there was not much gaiety, the men were soon at work selecting their tent-mates and cutting sticks for completing the work of pitching tents.

     The immediate selection of tent-mates under such inauspicious circumstances was a different problem and not attended in all cases with success.  Difference in disposition or habits interfered greatly with the peace and comfort of the occupants. Eventually these matters straightened themselves.  It was my good fortune to become associated with four companions whose dispositions were so agreeable that the short time we were together has made a lasting impression on my mind as one of the most delightful experiences of my service.

     Comrades of Company B will easily recall the names of Sergeant Frank Stimpson, Corporal Walter Beaumont, Fred Williams and Albert Morse.  With one exception we continued as tent-mates until the 30th of August, when we were separated never to meet again, the only exception being Morse and myself.

     Frank Stimpson was a graduate of the Norwich military academy in Vermont.  His training made him the equal of any officer or man in the regiment, and was the best soldier I ever saw.  Immediately on rising he proceeded to fold his blankets, pack his knapsack and roll the straps ready at an instant's notice to take his gun.  After reveille he polished the buttons of his coat, shined the brasses of his equipments and carefully brushed his clothes.  We used to jolly him about his fastidious attention to these details that most of us attended to when required to do so on days of inspection or when orders were received to march, but he remained unaffected by our chaff.  He was an agreeable, companion at all times, though easily disturbed by our pompous first lieutenant.  When we were in the tent he would give utterance to his feelings and wonder how such a man could have been given a commission.  When we arrived at Front Royal, we walked down from the hill, where the regiment was encamped, to see the town and learn if possible what was going on.  While there we saw them bringing in the wounded of Shield's division, who were in the fight the day before, when the effort was made to stop Jackson from proceeding down the Shenandoah Valley, after having driven Banks across the Potomac River.  The building where we stood was a recruiting station for the regular army.  The desire of the government being to transfer volunteers to that branch of the service, Frank went in to inquire and learned that his rank of first sergeant would be continued if he saw fit to be transferred.  On return to camp we tried to discourage him; that his chances for promotion were better in the Thirteenth, but it was useless.  No persuasion could change his determination and so he left us, the first to break our happy combination.  His subsequent career was ended at Fredericksburg.  Shortly after his transfer he was made a second lieutenant and for gallant conduct promoted to a first lieutenant and later brevetted captain for gallant conduct, and as he received the latter honor was killed.  Beaumont was badly wounded August 30, 1862, at Manassas.  He recovered after some months and was commissioned a lieutenant in the Heavy Artillery and became the provost marshal of Washington.  Fred Williams was killed in the same battle, while Al Morse and myself were wounded.  Morse was the only one who remained with the regiment.  He had a habit of getting wounded and also of leaving hospitals without leave in his anxiety to get back with his comrades, preferring to be with the regiment rather than remain in the hospital, which he detested.  He served his three years in spite of wounds, was a good soldier, a brave and modest man who never lost his head or heart in battle, and a lovable companion.

     Upon the regiment's arrival at Carter's Run we conceived the idea of raising our tent by building sides if we could get the boards.  On the opposite side of the run from where we were encamped was an old disused barn and upon examination proved to contain just what we needed, though its proximity to Gen. Hartsuff's tent made the business rather risky; that didn't worry us,  however,  for about everything a soldier wanted to do outside of prescribed duty contained an element of risk, particularly if one's commanding officer was a martinet or had a microscopic eye.  There were comparatively few officers who were big enough to understand that dealing with soldiers was like dealing with children.  Of course it was imperative that men should obey orders promptly and explicitly, but there were many things happening that might be overlooked.  Some officers appreciated the difference and so governed their men as to acquire their affection and their willingness to make great sacrifices in emergencies and show great valor in battle.  While in the other case, much ill-nature would be manifested and the esprit de corps, so important in companies or regiments,  lessened and in some cases completely destroyed.   In the present instance there was no question but it was, strictly speaking, a violation of the order respecting the destruction of property.  The misinterpretation of orders caused much trouble in the army.  

     The interpretation of this order according to our views had reference to buildings worth preserving and not to a barn about tumbling down, long disused and dangerous for any one to disturb it.  The private soldier always gave a liberal construction to orders of this kind as became a man of broad and enlightened understanding.  In this instance I am about to relate, it will be seen that we believed with the owner that the barn was useless for any purpose and tearing it down would be saving him expense and trouble.  Be that as it may, we saw an opportunity of making our tent more habitable and less like a dog-kennel.

     Upon our arrival at Carter's Run, we saw this barn standing on a knoll across the brook like a sore thumb, which upon investigation turned out to be just what we wanted.  Before attempting to move in the matter we argued the case out with Frank Stimpson, our senior officer, and companion in the tent.  He was against the proceeding, but we were four to one.  Stimpson would have nothing to do with it and did his best to discourage us.  As he was nearer being a major-general than we were, his opinion was accounted for.  The higher, a man rises in rank the narrower his field of view.  We always deferred to his usual sound judgment or advice, but in this instance we felt he was wrong; that his mind was too firmly fixed on the inhuman doctrine of "Obeying orders and breaking orders."  We wouldn't willingly break the officer who issued the order, however unintelligent he might be, so we set the advice aside and repaired to the barn and proceeded at once to tear off such boards as were fitted for our purpose.  We became so interested in our work that we failed to notice the approach of Capt. Brown of Gen. Hartsuff's staff.   He was an officer who had no liking for a Thirteenth man and this feeling was encouraged by our treatment of him.  On occasions he had exhibited a disposition to reprimand men for something which he disliked.  We were not under his command, so his orders were not considered of any account and the boys proceeded to make things lively whenever we were on the march and he was seen to approach.  A good deal of liberty was allowed to soldiers when on the march and conversation was carried on with each other and observations made about persons we passed on the road, sometimes to excite laughter and sometimes to attract attention.  I think the Thirteenth went to the limit in this liberty.  Now when Brown rode by unaccompanied by the General, the inquiry would be made in a loud voice, "What was Ossawottomie's last name?" and the reply would come, "Brown!"  "Was he hanged?"

      "Yes, he met the fate of all Browns."  This kind of talk would get on his nerves and he would stop his horse to learn what was intended by the remark, and who made it.  This, of course, made matters worse for him and then followed no end of chaff not apparently aimed at him, though he thought so because the name of Brown was always mentioned.  Now, when he saw us pulling off boards from this ram-shackle barn it was his opportunity to retaliate for the chaff he had endured.  His manner and words showed how gratifying it was to put some one under arrest, and he promptly did it by ordering us before the General, who was sitting quietly before his tent.  He was somewhat surprised to see four men brought before him under arrest for violating orders.  He was obliged to treat the matter seriously and inquired of Corporal Beaumont - ignoring the privates as was highly proper and considerate even if in accordance with the custom that prevailed in the army — "Who gave you permission to tear down the barn?"

     Beaumont was a clean-cut boy as you could find, and not easily scared. To the General's inquiry he replied, "No one!"

       "Didn't you know, corporal, that orders had been issued that property should not be destroyed?"

     "I thought my comfort was of a good deal more consequence than an old Secesh barn," said Beaumont.

     This reply rather startled the General, who was a strict disciplinarian.  "Corporal, this is not a question of Secesh barn or any other barn, but a question of violating orders."  Then followed many other questions and replies, ending at last in our being told to return to our company and report to the orderly sergeant; the commissioned officers of our company being absent, I certainly thought we would be punished when Walter replied to the General, and was glad enough to escape.

     About five o'clock the next morning we went up and after several trips secured the boards, unseen by Brown, who was probably abed.

     We had lots of fun building sides on which to pitch our shelters and lots of advice.  We built the sides about four feet high and when the tent was placed on top we had a very comfortable habitation, though compared with the adjoining tents it looked like a skyscraper.  On each side running lengthwise with the tent we built a seat, which became a bed by night.  In the day-time; the seat was so comfortable that it became a loafing place for those who were tired of sitting on the ground.  Our pleasure was of short duration, for we were soon ordered away and thereafter until the battle of Manassas we were on the move and no opportunity occurred to repeat our experiment."

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Thursday, July 31.
Orders were read notifying us of the death of ex-President Van Buren. Some of us were shocked because one of the boys, an Englishman by birth, asked, “Who in h—l is Van Buren?”

The brigade was ordered out in full marching order to be inspected by General Pope.

Letter of John B. Noyes, Company B

Letter of Dennis G. Walker, Co. A

     Dennis G. Walker of Company A, would play a key role in a famous incident during the war on May 8th 1864 at Spotsylvania.  Sam Webster describes the incident:  "As a shell passed Walker, who carried the National Color, he said to Joe Keating, who carried the State flag, "That fellow means me."  The next shell cut the staff at the lower fastening of the silk, caught the upper part of hs knapsack and carried it some rods, spilling its contents along its route, and knocking its owner some feet.  I helped dress his shoulder which was awfully bruised."  The shattered flag staff of the 13th Mass was later seized by General G. K. Warren to ralley some Maryland troops when the Confederates repulsed the Union attack.

   Walker's descendant, David Walker, sent me transcriptions of Dennis G. Walker's letters.  Walker, who would become known for his plain talk, (if not his spelling) complains about the leadership in the Union Army, the need for more soldiers, and the hardships of a private soldier's life, in essence, he grumbles like a true soldier.

Monday, August 4.
     At 5.30 A.M. we left our pleasant and healthy camp at Waterloo and marched towards Culpeper, eleven miles. The roads were dusty and the temperature of the air, as well as our language, was very high.  We had been very comfortably situated, with an abundance of cherries, good water, and enough to eat.  Nothing better could be got by moving, so we preferred to stay.

Tuesday, August 5.
     Marched at 5 A.M. Having padded off twelve miles we went into camp within sight of Culpeper Court House, and in close proximity to a large number of troops.

Friday, August 8.
     In the afternoon sudden orders were received to move, and after marching about four miles beyond Culpeper, we halted for the night near Pony Mountain.  An order was received that no horses be allowed, except to those men mounted by law. Perhaps the Government thought we were keeping private saddle-horses.

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The Battle of Cedar Mountain;  August 9th 1862

A Short Summary of the Battle by Brad Forbush.

Confederate General Thomas ‘Stonewall’ Jackson marched his army north on an oppressively hot day, toward Culpeper, to strike at Union General N. P. Banks corps before the rest of Maj-Gen. John Pope’s army could concentrate there.  About noon the vanguard of Jackson’s army found the Culpeper Road, near Cedar Run, blocked by Union Cavalry and artillery.  The Confederates brought up their guns and cleared a regiment of Union Cavalry from their front about 2 p.m.  Both sides brought up their infantry and formed battle lines.  A  two hour heated artillery duel started about 3:30 p.m.  Confederate division commander General Charles S. Winder, was more involved in directing artillery fire than attending to his infantry placements, when he was struck by a passing shell towards the end of the artillery duel.  It was a little after 5 p.m. and General Banks’ launched two strong attacks against the Confederate line; one on the center, and one on the left.

     Two Brigadier Generals in Christopher Auger’s division,  John W. Geary, and Henry Prince, attacked the center and right of the Confederate line commanded by Brig. Gen. Jubal Early.   The Federals pressed hard but Gen. Early was able to hold his line.  "Stonewall" sent a courier to hurry along General A.P. Hill’s division which was still on the Culpeper road, in reserve. General Edward L. Thomas's brigade of Hill's division, arrived in time to shore up the right of the Confederate line.

     Over on the Confederate left, at about 5:45 p.m., Bridgadier General Samuel W. Crawford’s brigade attacked General Sidney Winder's weak line, now commanded by Brigadier General William Taliaferro.  This part of the Confederate line ended in a piece of woods with an exposed left flank.  There was a gap in the line and Crawford's attack broke through it.  The Yankees came out of the woods in the rear of two Virginia Regiments positioned on the Culpeper Road facing east.  Deadly fire into the backs of the Confederates reaped heavy casualties.  A brief & vicious hand to hand combat followed before this part of the Confederate line collapsed.  In the fury of the moment Crawford's men rushed on toward the batteries on the Confederate left.   Confederate Artillery on the left of Crittenden lane was withdrawn.    Crawford's flanking Federals were in perfect position to send an enfilading fire down Taliaferro's line which swept away two 'green' regiments from Alabama.  This part of the Rebel line collapsed and threatened General Early's line in the center.  At this crucial moment, General Jackson, who was observing the battle, rode to that part of the field to rally his troops.  He sword was rusted in its scabbard, so he raised the scabbard, sword and all, over his head.  The gesture worked, and the inspired soldiers of the ‘Stonewall Brigade’ counter-attacked the over-extended Federal forces.  The arrival on the field of A.P. Hill’s Confederate division gave the advantage to Jackson.

Edwin Forbes Illustration depicts the General Jackson's counter-charge against Union attackers on the left of the Confederate line.

     On the Confederate left, Federals reformed their attack force and repulsed the charge of the Stonewall Brigade, but Gen. A. P. Hill’s reinforcements arrived and ran them off.  Special mention should be made of the 10th Maine Regiment.  

     This regiment was part of Crawford's brigade, but it had been held back protecting a battery when Crawford's other 3 regiments attacked.  Orders arrived late for the 10th Maine to advance.  They advanced to the center of a wheatfield on the Confederate left just as the Union attack began to falter.  A Major on General Banks staff ordered the regiment to make a stand in the wheatfield, while retreating Union forces were telling the Maine men, the Confederates were to numerous.  Consequently the 10th Maine faced roughly 10 advancing Confederate regiments alone.  The Confederate troops were A.P. Hill's re-enforcements.  Now,  Jackson’s army outnumbered Banks’ army by 2 to 1.  What was left of the10th Maine retired just as the 1st Pennsylvania Cavalry dashed up Culpeper Road in  a daring charge on the Confederates.   General Banks sent the Cavalry forward thinking one of his batteries was threatened by enemy troops.   The Cavalry charge was a disaster.  Only 71 of 174 troopers returned from the clash.  With dark coming on, Gen. Banks’ overwhelmed troops withdrew on every front.   Jackson’s newly re-enforced line followed the retreating Yankees over the battleground.

    At night, Jackson organized a pursuit of Banks retreating army.  A couple of artillery duels took place during the pursuit – one of them lasting an hour.  The heavy artillery resistance and word that reinforcements were coming to join Banks made Jackson call off his pursuit.  His exhausted men fell back and re-organized their line.

     Casualties were high on both sides.  The Federal army lost 320 men killed with 1,446 wounded and 617 men captured or missing.   Jackson lost 314 killed and 1,060 wounded and 42 missing.*

*Stonewall Jackson at Cedar Mountain" by Robert K. Krick.  For this book author Krick carefully re-considered the traditional tally of Confederate casualties by examining each regiment engaged.  His research increased the number of Confederate casualties by about 150.  He suggests a careful consideration of Union casualties would increase their number proportionately, and that the standard ratio of about 2 to 1 must remain the standard.

Sources: National Park Service battle description; Answers.com; “Battle of Cedar Mountain;”  blueandgreytrail.com; “Battle of Cedar Mountain.”  James I. Robertson, Jr.; "Stonewall Jackson, The Man, The Soldier, The Legend;" Robert K. Krick, "Stonewall Jackson at Cedar  Mountain."

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The 13th Mass., at Cedar Mountain

As soon as General Pope heard the general engagement of infantry begin, he ordered General McDowell's Corps to advance to the battlefield.  Pope then rode ahead to survey the fight.

Photo: Looking East Across the Confederate Battle Line at Cedar Mountain.   The Confederate line was placed diagonally from this point back to the Crittenden Farm Lane, which ran from the tree line on the right of the photo towards Cedar Mountain in the distant center.  The small knoll, also called "The Cedars" in some accounts, where other Confederate artillery was posted, is in the bright green winter wheat field seen in the distance before Cedar Mountain.  The "Shelf of Cedar Mountain," where additional Confederate artillery under General Ewell was positioned, is in the dark green stand of trees on the lower slopes of Cedar Mountain. (photo by Craig Swain;  visit hmdb.org; for a virtual tour of the battlefield).

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From "Three Years In The Army:"

Saturday August 9.
     At daylight the army marched a few miles and halted, while General Banks; corps continued on and became engaged in the battle known as Cedar Mountain.  During the day we several times changed our position, short distances, in hourly expectation of taking part in the battle which we knew, by the sound, was going on.  Late in the afternoon we were ordered forward to take our place in line of battle, first leaving our knapsacks.

     

Edwin Forbes sketch is titled "Night at the Hospitals  Arrival of General McDowell's Corps."

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     By the time we reached the front it was nearly dark and the fight had ceased. While we were halted, waiting for orders for the night, General Caroll’s brigade came marching along headed by a fife and drum corps playing “Dixie” loud enough to wake the dead.  They had scarcely reached our line when the enemy’s artillery, from an elevated position, filled the air with exploding shells, whereupon they turned and fled to the rear, helter-skelter, with an alacrity that was laughable considering the boldness of their advance, while the enemy, anticipating what would happen upon a sudden attack like this, attempted to follow up the advantage.  It was a critical moment; a panic might ensue unless prompt and vigorous measures were taken to prevent it. General Hartsuff disposed his brigade at once. His prompt action and his experience as an artillerist, in moving his brigade from point to point out of range of the enemy’s guns, saved it from the loss which might easily have occurred under an officer with less practical appreciation of the situation.  Shortly afterward we were led along the base of the hill to the right, hugging the ground while the enemy’s artillery fired over our heads into the woods at our rear until after midnight, during which time our artillery returned the fire with equal vigor.  It was a grand sight to watch the burning fuses of the shells as they hissed through the air, while we laid flat on the ground, safely ensconced, until morning.  At daylight a flag of truce was received from Jackson asking for a cessation of hostilities to enable him to bury his dead, which was granted.  Instead of attending to this sacred duty, set forth in his request, he obeyed the injunction contained in the Holy Scriptures, which says, “Let the dead bury their dead.”  In other words, he took advantage of the armistice, and with his army slipped quietly away.  (Pictured, Edwin Forbes sketch of Knapp's Pensylvania Battery in action at Cedar Mountain).

     When daylight appeared, we found ourselves near a cornfield, and taking advantage of the occasion, we gathered the ripening ears and proceeded, without let or hindrance, to roast them, and considering the shortness of rations this was a big streak of luck.

       We were very fortunate on this occasion, as the Thirteenth was the only regiment in the brigade that suffered no loss.  Persons unfamiliar with such matters, commonly estimate the value of a regiment’s service by its number of killed and wounded.  This is not a safe guide, as it frequently happens that the commanding officer of a regiment can save his men by coolness and good judgment.  The regiment that can do the most execution with the smallest loss, is certainly the one that serves the county best.  An instance happened with us at this time which, though seemingly insignificant, illustrates this idea very well.  When we received orders to change position to the right, the brigade had its bayonets “fixed.”  The moon happened to be in a cloud when the movement was begun, and, as it was important that it be made with all possible secrecy to the enemy, our colonel gave the order to “trail arms!”  which order had the effect of concealing the bayonets from view as the moon became unobscured.  The position of the other regiments was discovered when the rays of the moon flashed on their bayonets, thereby drawing the enemy’s fire.  Whether or not this accounts for our good fortune, the thoughtfulness exhibited by the colonel on this occasion has often been spoken of in terms of praise.  There are plenty of instances during the war when the rashness of officers has cost the lives of many men.  Colonel Samuel H. Leonard; pictured above, Carlisle Army Heritage Education Center;  Massacusetts MOLLUS Collection.

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Austin Stearns Tours the Battlefield

From Three Years with Company K; by Sergeant Austin C. Stearns, deceased.  Edited by Arthur Kent; Fairleigh-Dickinson Press;  p.88-90; used with permission.     (I have removed a few paragraphs from this narration).
     
       We lay in line of battle till into the afternoon, when having heard of Stonewall’s retreat, we went back and brought our knapsacks up and pitched a camp about a mile away from the battlefield.

     The next day, with Henry Gassett, without leave, we stole over to view the field, for we had a great curiosity to see how a battlefield would look.  Details of men were there burying the dead; in the center of one field was a long trench filled with Union dead; in a stubble field we saw several bodies that were still unburied.  At first I thought them Colored, they were so black and swolen, and I wondered how Negros should be wearing the blue coat of a soldier, but I soon discovered my mistake; the stench of the bodies were fearful.

     Farther on we saw where the rebel’s had buried quite a number of their dead, and not buried either, for they were laid on the top of the ground with some dirt hastily thrown over them; here an arm, there a knee; and then a foot protruded from the ground to tell of the ghastly sight beneath that only awaited the first rain to be revealed.

     On our way back we passed the place where the battery was planted that first night and opened fire upon us so heavily.  We talked with a few captured rebs and they told us that in that Artilery fight the Cap’t was killed and some twenty five or thirty men killed and wounded, and that so many of his horses were killed or disabled that the infantry were called upon to help draw off his guns.  Be this as it may, I counted ten dead horses all within a few feet of where the battery stood, and saw several more that were badly wounded.

     Mike O’Loughlin of our K company, who was out, told me that he was standing looking at some rebs when one of them says “Hello Mike what brought you hear?”, and going up to them he found an old acquaintance, one he used to work with in the coal mines of Penn.  Together they sat down on a log and each tried to convince the other that his side was right.  After an hour of pleasant conversation they separated and each went to his command; he belonged to a New Orleans regiment.  As we were not actively engaged, there was no casualties in our regiment. 

The Joint Stock Frying Pan Company

    People long before me, have chronicled interesting tales of the Civil War and pubilished them in anthologies.  This story from the '13th Mass'  is one that is often included.

From "Three Years In The Army" by Charles E. Davis, Jr.

     The last place to look for a stock company would be among a regiment of soldiers.  After being deprived of camp kettles, mess pans, etc., each man was obliged to do his own cooking, as already stated, in his tin dipper, which held about a pint.  Whether it was coffee, beans, pork, or anything depending on the services of a fire to make it palatable, it was accomplished by aid of the dipper only.  Therefore any utensil like a frying-pan was of incalculable service in preparing a meal.  There were so few of these in the regiment, that only men of large means, men who could raise a dollar thirty days after a paymaster's visit, could afford such a luxury.  In one instance the difficulty was overcome by the formation of a joint-stock company, composed of five stockholders, each paying the sum of twenty cents toward the purchase of a frying-pan, which cost the sum of one dollar. The par value of each share was therefore twenty cents.  It was understood that each stockholder should take his turn at carrying the frying-pan when on a march, which responsibility entitled him to its first use in halting for the night.  While in camp, it passed from one to the other each day in order of turn.  It was frequently loaned for a consideration, thereby affording means for an occasional dividend among the stockholders.  The stock advanced in value until it reached as high as forty cents per share, so that a stockholder in the "Joint Stock Frying Pan Company" was looked upon as a man of consequence.  Being treated with kindness and civility by his comrades, life assumed a roseate hue to the shareholders in this great company, in spite of their deprivations.  It was flattering to hear one's self mentioned in terms of praise by some impecunious comrade who wished to occupy one side of it while you were cooking.  On this particular morning, when we started out, expecting shortly to be in a fight, the stock went rapidly down, until it could be bought for almost nothing.  As the day progresed, however, there was a slight rise, though the market was not strong.  When the order was given to leave knapsacks, it necessarily included this utensil, and so the "Joint Stock Frying Pan Company" was wiped out.

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Letter of  Warren H. Freeman

The Cambridge Chronicle

John B. Noyes' Letter to his hometown Newspaper, 'The Cambridge Chronicle' describes the Battle of Cedar Mountain.
Ms Am 2332 (71) Houghton Library, Harvard University.  

     Noyes mentions the heavy loss of the 2d Mass. Vols of Gordon's brigade.  Two regiments of the brigade broke under a deadly fire received on their right flank and rear from advancing Confederates at the end of the days engagement.  The 2nd Mass. was more resolute and made a stand as the 'last organized Federal Regiment on the field."  They suffered terrible loss as a result.  [They were posted near where Gen. Crawford launched his attack, only later.]  (Quote from Robt.K. Krick's "Stonewall at Cedar Mountain").

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© Bradley M. Forbush, 2010

Page Updated  May 16, 2010.